Adam Liptak today covers an effort to persuade the Solicitor General to try to persuade the Supreme Court to use the pending cert petition in Hedges v. Obama as an opportunity to overrule the reviled-but-never-formally-overruled Korematsu decision.
Naturally I'd love to see the Court overrule Korematsu.
This particular effort seems like quite a stretch, though -- for the obvious reasons (the ones alluded to in Liptak's piece) and for a less obvious one.
The "hook" in the Hedges case that could bag a Korematsu overruling is a provision of the National Defense Authorization Act of 2012 which left in place "existing law or authorities relating to the detention of United States citizens, lawful resident aliens of the United States, or any other persons who are captured or arrested in the United States."
It's claimed that this at least implicitly reaffirms the continued validity of Korematsu -- and that the challenge to the statute therefore gives the Supreme Court the chance to overrule that precedent.
A hidden trouble with this claim is that the 1944 Supreme Court went to great (and troubling) lengths to make clear that it was addressing only mass removal of Japanese Americans from the West Coast, not their detention. It shaved off the detention issue for separate consideration in Ex parte Endo (and ruled continued detention illegal, on the same day as the Korematsu decision, on administrative law, not constitutional law, grounds). Removal admittedly implies detention, and that's one of the reasons the Korematsu decision is so bogus, but the Korematsu Court insisted that it was not addressing the constitutionality of detaining American citizens.
Thus, to say that the majority opinion in Korematsu is an "existing law or authorit[y] relating to the detention of United States citizens" is to say that the Korematsu Court decided an issue it said it was not addressing.
(I acknowledge that the "relating to ... detention" language in the statute leaves space to argue that Korematsu "relate[d] to" detention by upholding removal, but my point is that this is a degree of attenuation that decreases the likelihood that the current Court would see Hedges as implicating Korematsu.)
Of course, there is a bad old decision lying about that endorses the racial detention of citizens, but it's not Korematsu. It's Hirabayashi, decided unanimously by the Court a year before Korematsu. The Court upheld against constitutional challenge a dusk-to-dawn curfew (that is, house arrest) of Japanese Americans.
Though the Hedges effort is a stretch, Hirabayashi would seem the better candidate for designation as an "authority relating to the detention of United States citizens" than Korematsu.
What's more, the Court's Hirabayashi decision was infected by arguably more significant misconduct than the later Korematsu decision.
And, unlike Korematsu, which no living Supreme Court justice is willing to touch with a ten-foot pole, a sitting Justice has actually cited the Hirabayashi opinion with approval in the pages of the U.S. Reports.
Korematsu, it seems to me, is already a dead letter. Hirabayashi is the decision that seems (barely) to survive, and is, in my view, the more dangerous. I wish the effort in Hedges -- and similar future efforts -- were directed at Hirabayashi in addition to (or in place of) Korematsu.
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